Hong Kong protests: Half a million people on the streets – should tourists stay away?

HKGPROT
HKGPROT
Avatar of Linda Hohnholz
Written by Linda Hohnholz

Tourists visiting Hong Kong today on July 1 are in for a special event, they may want to stay away from. Half a million people or more are expected to be on the streets to protest for full democracy.

Tourists visiting Hong Kong today on July 1 are in for a special event, they may want to stay away from. Half a million people or more are expected to be on the streets to protest for full democracy. Today, July 1, is the 17th anniversary of Hong Kongโ€™s return to China. Formerly a British colony, the UK returned Hong Kong to China on that day.

Hong Kong Police already prepared a mobile detention center in case the protest turns violent.

Civil Human Rights Front, the rally organizer, said as many as 500,000 people may show up after earlier telling police it expected 150,000 marchers. Occupy Central With Love and Peace, an activist group, has called on residents to join the rally after almost 800,000 people voted in an unofficial referendum against Chinaโ€™s insistence that it vet candidates for the chief executive election in 2017

The attendees of the rally, some holding umbrellas and carrying banners, gathered at Victoria Park before starting the march about 4 p.m. local time to the Central business district. Marching band Political parties including the Civic Party and Democratic Party set up booths and hung banners, while the Falun Gong, a spiritual movement banned in China, had a marching band. Some people hoisted the colonial Hong Kong flag while gathering around a statue of Queen Victoria, a reminder of Hong Kongโ€™s colonial past.

The 1 July rally is an annual event on the anniversary of Hong Kongโ€™s 1997 return to Chinese rule. Under terms agreed between the UK and China, Hong Kong enjoys its own freedoms and legal system until 2047 as a special administrative region, under the principle of one Country, two Systems. Last year, the 1 July rally organizer said 430,000 took part to demand the government address a widening wealth gap and introduce broader democracy.

The police said there were 66,000. Both figures were the highest in at least nine years. โ€œThe Chinese government is trying to go back on their promises with the white paper, and Iโ€™m here to take a stand against that,โ€ said Edward Ho, a 17-year-old student. Public Nomination Allowing for public nomination of candidates, which is what the Occupy Centralโ€™s referendum demands, will be against the Basic Law, the cityโ€™s mini-constitution and officials in Hong Kong and China have said.

Chief executive of the council of the Hong Kong special administrative region Leung Chun-ying is expected to submit an electoral reform proposal to Beijing for approval, before starting a second public consultation by the end of the year. He will submit the final plan to lawmakers. About 87.8% of the voters in the referendum ended 29 June said lawmakers should reject any proposal that doesnโ€™t meet international democracy standards.

Occupy Central has threatened mass sit-ins at the cityโ€™s financial district should the government fail to meet their demands. Such tactics will paralyze the city, drive away tourists and companies and damage Hong Kongโ€™s reputation as a global financial center, according to tycoons, foreign business leaders, brokers and accounting firms. The concern is whether todayโ€™s protest turns violent, with the police setting up a makeshift detention center in case of mass arrests.

Seventeen years after reclaiming sovereignty, Beijing has yet to win the hearts and minds of the people of Hong Kong – in that, Chen Zuoer was spot on. As a global city with a per capita gross domestic product similar to its former “master”, and now a part of the world’s second-largest economy, Hong Kong grapples with complexities that cannot simply be explained away as a case of post-colonialism.

Nor is the dichotomy of the two economic systems necessarily the key issue here. When asked before 1997 by foreign friends what would happen to Hong Kong after 50 years, I quipped that the mainland may learn the practices of socialism from Hong Kong, for we exceed the mainland in many aspects of social welfare, such as education, health care and public housing.

Hongkongers are sometimes perceived, not always fairly, as being insufficiently “patriotic”. Practical and cosmopolitan, many may not have a strong appreciation of China’s history and culture. The influx of mainland tourists, while good for some sectors of the economy, has caused friction rather than brought compatriots closer together. While the mainland is making progress on the rule of law, it is quite different from Hong Kong in terms of media freedom and human rights.

In other words, Hongkongers may not fully identify with China at three levels: past, people and political system.

The first issue can be addressed with time. More mainland TV channels, showing documentaries, news and drama, could be made available in Hong Kong – perhaps with restrictions on adverts to lessen resistance from local broadcasters. A museum of Chinese civilisation could be built here, perhaps with top exhibits from the mainland and Taiwan. Greater emphasis could be placed on Chinese culture in education, while more student trips to the mainland should be encouraged.

The second issue may need some work. Wealthier mainland tourists have “graduated” from Hong Kong and are now going to Europe and other more expensive destinations. Some “entry level” mainland tourists may not be viewed as the most civilised. Perhaps applicants for Hong Kong entry permits could be given etiquette manuals or even be asked to take a test. More shopping malls can be built near the border and special duty-free shopping zones could be set up in the Pearl River Delta, to provide a “virtual” Hong Kong experience.

More visits by Hongkongers to the mainland will give them a better sense of the full spectrum of mainlanders. China has no shortage of talented students; for example, in Beijing, students from the top local schools outshine their international school counterparts in English essay contests. And many are eager to learn. In less developed areas, those with rudimentary English join summer camps to improve their command of the language. With more face-to-face exchanges, Hongkongers can gain a deeper understanding beyond the stereotypes, and gradually develop greater respect and compassion for their fellow countrymen.

The third issue is perhaps the most difficult. China’s political development will, realistically, be a long and uncertain process. The official verdict on some historical events, such as the June 4 incident, is fundamentally different from the views of most Hongkongers. There does not appear to be any quick fix except patience on both sides.

As seen by the many university buildings, sports halls and schools named after Hong Kong philanthropists, the city does not lack patriots. Hongkongers have also donated generously in aid of disaster relief efforts in mainland China. The annual June 4 commemoration, in its own way, may be seen as a patriotic act.

As outlined in its white paper, Beijing wants to make sure that whoever leads Hong Kong is “patriotic”. But action and reaction on both sides recently may lead Hong Kong into a downward spiral. Instead of sticks, carrots may be more effective in advancing Beijing’s agenda.

The 2017 chief executive election should be seen in its broader historical context. It will be an important milestone of political development, not only for Hong Kong but for China as a whole. The story of modern Hong Kong began in 1840 with China’s humiliation, so it is gratifying that today it has provided great impetus to China’s economic development.

Hong Kong can serve as an example of political reform for other Chinese cities. Political changes here may demonstrate that democracy is good, or show it is risky. No less tragic than the loss of lives, the events of the summer of 1989 pushed back the economic, social and political development of China for decades. In the aftermath, reformers were sidelined and hardliners entrenched, resulting in greater corruption over time – the opposite of what the students had intended.

China missed a window of opportunity for political reforms a quarter of a century ago. Hong Kong has been given an unprecedented opportunity for greater, though perhaps not perfect, democracy – in a country with complex political challenges. Patience and compromise are not the marks of weakness but statesmanship.

There is no need to repeat the mistakes made as a consequence of actions by idealistic and patriotic students in 1989.

About the author

Avatar of Linda Hohnholz

Linda Hohnholz

Editor in chief for eTurboNews based in the eTN HQ.

Share to...